Perspectives on the Eritrea-Ethiopia relations and outcomes

By Girma W. Senbet

PART I

This is not intended to demean or upset Eritreans, who understand the history of both Ethiopia

and Eritrea as intermingled, non-separable and unique. This view leads to a more harmonious,

prosperous and mutual understanding, which benefits the oppressed peoples of the problem

ridden, disease invested, draught stricken and poor countries of the horn. The fanatic Eritreans

have been writing and rewriting "their" history in a way so that it fits their extreme nationalism and

Mussolini-like dreams of hegemony of a "civilized people" out to" civilize" feudal Ethiopia and

teach her an unforgettable lesson. They haven't yet sorted out facts from fables! Thus, a short

description of events is given in order to meet the distorted views, stereotypes, iterations and

duplicities by these few assailants. Here, it should be understood, that I am not out to recriminate,

discredit, show contempt or vilify the truthful, matured, co-operative and understanding Eritreans.

They know that the existence of both peoples' hinges on the removal of the obstacles to

indispensable and long-awaited peace, i.e., Issayas Afeworki, their mental malady, obsessive and

excessive nationalism.

Background

The 1998-2000 war between Eritrea and Ethiopia has had its historical background in a

multifaceted and complex problem, arising from the totalitarian nature and ego of the leaders of

the two so-called nationalistic liberation fronts, i.e. Issayas Afeworki of the EPLF (Eritrean

People's Liberation Front) and his complaisant Meles Zenawi of the TPLF (Tigrai People's

Liberation Front). These two leaders have never exercised democratic traditions in their

respective organizations and have always been obsessed by absolute power and tight control of

their rank-and-file soldiers and the "liberated mass". Though, the two fronts appeared to initially

co-operate militarily in overthrowing the authoritarian government (Derg) of Mengistu

Hailemariam, contradictions continued to surface during their bumpy road to victory.

One of the most serious setbacks between these two authoritative and secretive organizations

came to the surface during the 1984-1985-hunger catastrophe, when hundreds of thousands of

Ethiopians were dying, especially in the northern provinces of Ethiopia including Tigrai, Wollo and

Northern Shoa. The EPLF, an ally of the TPLF at the time, for reasons unknown and shrouded in

mystery secluded its liberated territory and thereby denied the TPLF access to food aid through

the Sudan. As a result of this inhumane act by the EPLF, thousands of Ethiopians were believed

to have died during the arduous operation of forced evacuation of the people to the Sudan.

Trekking long distances, the aged, weak and malnourished children were exposed to easily

transmittable diseases and bombardments by the derg's warplanes. This tragic event caused

uproar within the TPLF fighters, abhorred the EPLF and demanded the leadership to take an

immediate retaliation against this obvious "betrayal". Although ideological, both tactical and

strategic contents were forwarded as the main reasons for the temporary squabble. The TPLF

under the leadership of the "pragmatist" Meles requested a joint meeting to be held in order to

normalize the relations for the sake and common cause of fighting against the common enemies-

Derg, Soviet interference and imperialism.

This renewed friendship resulted in the total abortion by the TPLF fighters of the derg's so-called

"Northern Star Campaign " which had almost succeeded in encircling and annihilating the EPLF

from its northern most Nakfa mountain military base. Not only the military operation was

successful but the TPLF brought also dozens of donkeys loaded with food aid to the beleaguered

EPLF fighters. Many Tigregn fighters, who were sent to protect their "comrades" and fulfill their

"international revolutionary duty of the oppressed workers and peasantry" so that the military

campaign was incapacitated, were killed or maimed in this well orchestrated offensive. This

campaign of the Derg was supported and guided by high-level foreign military advisers and

enormous amounts of modern weaponry. The TPLF has never officially mentioned this very act of

joining hands and conspiring with the archenemy of Ethiopia. This information was disseminated

by some reliable sources immediately after the start of the war during 1998-2000. Although the

war claimed more than 100,000 on both sides, the news outflow at the outbreak of the war has

revealed scandals in the relations both during and after the "liberation" struggle of both groups.

The war and its inglorious end also highlighted the speculations of a "behind-closed-door

agreements", reached during the early years by the leaders of these two organizations, which

could also unravel the unjust and unholy alliance to scramble the Ethiopian territories.

The anathema of the present impasse of war followed by a deadlock of the boundary delimitation

and demarcation of the borders has to do with the historical and psychological make-up of the

elite group at the helm of power in Eritrea. Thus, a short introduction as to the present

background of events is necessary to elucidate the clear evidence based on the different

episodes of historical perspectives of the Eritrean way of thinking, hubris, inflated nationalism,

facts and fictions and surrounding myths. Though voluminous history books are available on the

subject Eritrea and Ethiopia, my perceptions are used to give light to the main issues and courses

of historical facts. Different scenarios of how Ethiopians handled the Eritrean dilemma in light of

fractionation of their territory by misappropriation, bogus treaties, which are null and void,

appeasement, unsettled issues, misguided definitions and support for their "cause" vis-à-vis

Ethiopian national interests are outlined, so that today's or next generation of Ethiopians rectify

the past mistakes and safe-guard the pride, history, national integrity and sovereignty of Ethiopia.

Furthermore, how the past and present Ethiopian regimes handled or mishandled the Eritrean

problem are indicated.

Finally, the remedies or eternal solutions, suggested by all concerned international peace

mediators, organizations and the present state of affairs after the decision taken by the Ethiopia-

Eritrea Boundary Commission (EEBC) are presented. Is the present decision a lasting solution or

create yet another ticking bomb, leading to vicious circles of conflicts, which will blast any time? In

face of this dangerous prospects, imposed by the will of judiciary body, should Ethiopia with a

population of 71 million be landlocked, left at the mercy of tiny small chiefdoms, clans, sheikdoms

and self-serving individuals and petty nationalist elements? Should Ethiopians get ready for the

worst to come in the fight against the unjustifiable, one-sided complot and fulfill the hegemonies

of others to control and suppress their rightful access to the sea, to their homes and territories of

their ancestors and to their waters, just because there is no government, which stands for the

national interest, sovereignty and territorial integrity of this great nation? Thoughts and scenarios

of historical nature and future aspirations are forwarded so that prominent Ethiopians who stand

and fight for the national interest and hope for the generations of Ethiopians are called for to be

bearers of banner for freedom, justice, democracy, liberty and the rule of law as well as rectify the

miscarriage of injustice against Ethiopia and Ethiopians. Let's begin with the roots of the problem

and present them in contextual episodes, created by external forces and supported by internal

troublemakers in the relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia.

Territorial ambition of Italy

Eritrea, which was historically part of the Ethiopian kingdom from time immemorial except some

parts of the Red Sea occupied by the Ottoman Turks during the 16th century and some parts

bordering the Sudan with an Islamic population, has a Christian mostly Coptic religious

background and a culture similar to the Christian highland of Ethiopia proper. The root cause of

the present problem lies in the reoccupation of the Ethiopian territories of Massawa in 1846 and

Bogos (Keren) in 1872 by Egypt, which then was administered by a Turkish descendant Khadive

Isamil. The Egyptians regarded these territories as a launching pad for further occupation deep

into Ethiopia and control of the Nile waters. The invasion however, was totally repulsed by the

victorious and brilliant African General Alula Aba Nega at the battles of Gundet (1875) and Gurae

(1876). Alula, who was the founder of Asmara brought with him tens of thousands of defenders

from Ethiopia in general and Tigray in particular to safeguard the territorial integrity and

sovereignty of Ethiopia. Thus, the general population of today's Eritrea mainly stems and traces

its roots to the honorable defendants of Ethiopia.

The colonial ambition of Italy dates back to the acquisition of land through a refined contract

signed on 11th March 1870, between Giuseppe Sapeto, a Lazarist missionary on behalf of the

Raffaele Rubbattino Company and the brother Sultans of Assab, Hassan and Ibrahim ben Ahmed

and a third Sultan of the Bay of Buya, Abdella Sahim, for an insignificant sum of lire. Furthermore,

Darmake Island was rented to the company for a period of ten years at a yearly payment of 100

thalers to the Sultan of Rahaita. The small private possession with surrounding Islands rented by

the Company thus, resulted in the transfer and purchase of the plots of land to the Italian

government with a sum of about 400,000 lire. With the arrival of the imperialist European powers

to partition and carve up the African continent among themselves following the Berlin Conference

in 1884-1885, Italy then a weak and newly united country in 1861, started to fill up the gap of the

then defeated Egyptian colonizers of the lowland Eritrea and Massawa by exploiting the

contradictions between France and Britain. The conclusion of a Treaty (named as the Hewett or

Adwa Treaty) and signature on June 3, 1884 between his majesty Yohannes the Emperor of

Ethiopia and Britain, represented by Rear-Admiral Sir W. Hewett led to the restoration of the

Ethiopian rule on Keren and near the Sudanese border, protection of the Egyptians by Ethiopians

from the Mahdists and assistance to the port of Massawa for further transport to their homeland.

While these parts of the treaty were mainly fulfilled, Britain was only willing to promise free port

for Ethiopian goods under British protection.

In August 1885, the Italians started advancing inland and occupied Saati, the port of Zulla and

WiŽa totally disregarding the warning letter from Alula to General Genè. To protect Saati from total

annihilation by the Ethiopian forces, Gené sent more than five hundred troop reinforcements but

was intercepted at Dogali (1887), resulting in total victory for Ethiopia over a European colonial

army. Due to the external factors and threat to the existence of the Christian community in

Gonder, where the Mahdist Muslim movement occupied large swathes of the territory, burning

down churches, looting and killing people, Yohannes moved his entire army to dislodge the

occupation army, while the Italians used this opportune moment to occupy other parts including

Asmara. The chaos followed by the death of Yohannes at Metemma in 1889 and the assistance

provided to Menelik by Italians to win the throne in exchange for his recognition of Eritrea as the

sovereign administration of Italy resulted in the Treaty of Wuchale the same year. This first

episode thus culminated in the declaration of Eritrea as a colony in 1890, total seclusion of

Ethiopia from its Red Sea Coasts and protectorate over all of Ethiopia (according to the claim in

the Italian translation). Thus, Italy immediately started rewarding the local lords, arming and

recruiting the future mercenaries (askaris), who would start waging war against the people of

Ethiopia.

The askaris were used not only in the suppression of the internal resistance against the Italian

rule but also in the occupation of near and far communities of Somalis and Libyans. True to the

nature of the colonial inculcation of superiority in the minds of these poor and easily manipulated

subjects, the askaris under the leadership of their masters launched an all-round offensive to

occupy Ethiopia and were defeated by the brave sons of Ethiopia in the historical town of Adwa in

March 1896. Prisoners of war, whom Emperor Menelik treated as an Ethiopian mercenary

(Eritrean askaris) fighting against his own motherland, were mutilated or body parts chopped off

so that they never repeated the act of aggression in the service of a foreign power. But credit

should also go to heroes such as Dejazmatch Bahta of Akele Guzai who mobilized his own army

and fought side by side with his Ethiopian commanders against the colonizers. The Ethiopian

victory hindered Italy's attempt and dream of a colonial empire comparable to that of the British,

French and Portugal for the following 40 years or so. The Ethiopian victory over Italians had a

great significance to the struggle of many oppressed and colonized peoples in the world. The

victory sent tremor and shock to the psyche of the "superior race mentality" of the colonial

powers. It proved that a well organized people, how inferior it might be in armaments could defeat

a well-equipped power. Though falsifications and revisionism of history have been forwarded by

some colonial slaves to discredit the Ethiopian victory and its historical meaning to many peoples

all over the world, the fact remains that Adwa was the first historical battle in which a European

power was entirely defeated.

During this period and the following years, the Italians were encroaching on the dominion of

Ethiopia and thus were confiscating and apportioning many villages and areas. There were even

times, when a local lord exchanged vast areas for simple ammunition and rifles. No Ethiopian

government has ever ratified the territories, which the Italians drew on maps changing now and

then on whims and whishes. Delimitations or demarcations could therefore be taken as onesided,

fulfilling the aggrandizement policy of Italy. These territories are now taken for granted by

some irresponsible leaders, running the external and internal affairs of this great country,

mediators, whose historical understanding and knowledge of the complexity of the issue is limited

and the so-called experts or advisors on conflicts, whose betrayal is insurmountable when the

day of reckoning comes.

Perspectives on the Eritrea-Ethiopia relations and outcomes

By Girma W. Senbet

PART II

Fascism and the reunion of Eritrea with Ethiopia

The second episode started with the rise of Mussolini during the 1920s and his ambitions of

creating a new Roman empire, which exacerbated the mindset of Eritreans, challenging their very

existence as a black and proud people. Fascist native youth groups, brainwashed by the Italian

propaganda and experiments of self-negation, had proven successful in the glorification and

adulation of a white "supremacy". Extreme servitude, total oblivion of ones own heritage and utter

contempt for other Africans was the core of this experiment. The remolding or remodeling of

human beings in a span of 60 years could not have been possible if it had not been for the

poisonous and fatalistic fascist ideology of racial or hierarchical groups' absolute destiny to rule

and its unequal division of the people among the human race. Mussolini, now armed with

chemical weapons, tanks, warplanes, thousands of Italians and askaris launched on October 3,

1935 from both Eritrea and Italian Somaliland without any declaration of war, with his "let's civilize

Ethiopia" motto, slaughtering and poisoning hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians. No one came

to the rescue of Ethiopia and no one even dared to condemn this fascist aggression. Three days

after the invasion, the League of Nations unanimously declared Italy as an aggressor but took no

effective and immediate action. Subsequently, ban on armaments was declared on both the

aggressor and the aggressed. This war was a breach to and in contravention of the Treaty of

Addis Ababa signed by Italy in 1896 immediately after its defeat at Adwa, recognizing Ethiopia as

a sovereign nation. Therefore, all treaties entered with Italy after this fascist war, are null and

void. This includes the misconceived so-called treaties of 1900, 1902 and 1908, which Menelik

entered under pressure and intimidation. The illegal means under which fraud and deception

pertinent to these treaties gave rise, such as bribes, theft, "contract of land sales"; encroachment,

etc. were immediately nullified by the fascist invasion. Accepting these so-called treaties at face

value and trying to legalize the illicit so-called treaties by any Ethiopian government is a

treasonous act against the laws of the Ethiopian state, the interests of its people and its very

existence as a nation. For the consecutive 5 years, Ethiopians fought the fascist white and black

soldiers in successful ambushes, isolated incidents, major and minor wars without giving the

aggressors a respite from war and to govern the "territories of Italian East Africa" from Addis

Ababa by the fascist viceroy Marshal R. Graziani, who replaced the fascist commander of the war

Marshal P. Badoglio. A year into his appointment and the failed assassination attempt by Abraha

Debotch and Moges Asgedom (Ethiopians of Mereb Melash citizens) against Graziani, the

Italians and their askaris executed more than 30,000 civilians in only few days, mostly younger

and educated Ethiopians and burned down thousands of residential houses in Addis and its

vicinity.

Racial as well as tribal partition, residential segregation and favoritism of certain groups in the

society was enforced at all levels of administration in Ethiopia. This policy was already

successfully exercised in Eritrea, where the first ever apartheid system on African soil was

constructed and introduced. The natives were not allowed to mix or even visit places within

Asmara, such as the campo di stato (known as combishatato by the natives)-today's parade

avenue and pride center of the pretenders to the fascist legacy but yesteryear's symbol of

apartheid. The "lucky" ones were allowed to attend school up to 4th grade only but had no rights

of whatsoever other than serving as askaris, maids, servants, translators, dockers or as day

laborers in the agro-industries, owned by the Italians. People inhabiting the rest of the territory of

Eritrea were not exposed to the Italian "enlightenment or influence or wealth" but were living in

abject poverty and nomadic life under extreme conditions. No one should ever forget the true

Ethiopians of Eritrean origin, such as Zeray Deres, who in outrage against the humiliation of his

country slaughtered fascist supporters on the streets of Rome and many of those same, who fell

victim to the fascist onslaught or resisted and fought against the occupation of their country.

Blaten Geta Lorenzo Taezaz's contribution as a foreign minister during the occupation years are

living testimonies of Eritreans, who fought for their motherland, Ethiopia. With the arrival and

"liberation" or "decolonization" of Eritrea by the British with their long reputation and experience in

the "divide and rule system", the third episode in the future contradictions between Eritrea and

Ethiopia was implanted. Different extremist organizations inciting nationalist and religious

fanaticism started popping up as mushrooms, spreading hatred against each other and Ethiopia

all in the name of "democracy" for a people, who had been under the yoke of fascism and never

exercised their rights. Ethiopians were demonized and reduced to subhuman levels as imps and

barbarians. The "al rabita al islamiya" was archetype for those that started misleading its

supporters and campaigning against Ethiopia by disgracing Ethiopia as a land of Christians,

despite the fact that Muslims also inhabited. The pro-Italian groups wanted to reinstate and bring

back their idols, the Italians and thus recolonize and live a parasitic life. This slanderous group

also had to compare the "primitive and feudal " Ethiopia to their "modern and model" country,

Italy. Yet, another group, the so-called independence group (Eritrea for Eritreans) was a small

vociferous group, which used to describe Ethiopia as backward, not worthy of the slightest

cooperation or co-existence.

There was also another pro-British group wanting to stay under the administration of Britain. All

these groupings were intentionally created by Britain in its endeavor to gain control over the

Anglo-Egyptian-Sudan territory and incorporate the newly granted protectorate of Eritrea. In

another attempt, the British started organizing interest groups of "Tigrai-Tigregn" occupying large

tracts of today's Ethiopia including Tigrai, parts of Wollo and Begemidr to stay within the British

administration for a time span of 25 years. The fourth and strongest group that emerged was the

Unionist Party (Mahber Hadnet), comprising of all members of the Eritrean society, who genuinely

wanted to be reunited under the ardent slogan of "mother Ethiopia or death". Founded in 1941,

immediately after the Italians were kicked out of Eritrea, the members of Mahber Hadnet willingly

and consciously began organizing themselves into mass organizations, such as the Patriots',

Women's and Youth Associations. While the patriots' were carrying out their political work among

the people, the youth was waging an armed struggle attacking and sabotaging the new British

occupation army in different locations of Eritrea.

Astounding work was done by the Women's' Association in gathering and disseminating

information, selling their jewelry to finance the struggle to rejoin Ethiopia, etc. Zemen, Ethiopia,

Andnet and other publications and newspapers were issued weekly and distributed among the

population. Because of reprisals and harassments both from the administration and the

extremists, active members were forced to work clandestinely and/or contribute articles to the

newspapers under different pennames. No one forgets how the prominent hero and chairman of

the "Mahber Hadnet", the honorary Dejazmatch Hailu Tesfamariam was exiled for two years in

the mountains of Nakfa and how Sheik Alamin Abdulkadir, the chairman of the branch

organization in the Red Sea was offered money by Italy in exchange for his support to the pro-

Italian group. There were also cases of open confrontations between the members and British

occupation soldiers. Among the ardent supporters of the Unionist Party was also Woldeab

Woldemarim, an Adwa-born individual, who later became discontented with his position in the

federation and converted to an anti-Ethiopian. Surprisingly, he an Ethiopian has been canonized

after his death, as a saint of the Eritrean "liberation struggle" by the head-priest Issayas. All the

groups mentioned, except the Unionist Party used to seduce people into hating Ethiopia,

intimidate true supporters of Ethiopian unity and fob the people off with iniquitous arrogance

under the protection of the British, without any reciprocity from the Ethiopian side to meet these

allegations and mudslinging.

The British in order to control and administer Eritrea were also putting a wedge among the

various ethnic groups of Bilen, Tigre, Saho, Kunama, BenAmir, Christians and Muslims and even

among the Tigrigna speakers of Seraye, Hamassien and Akele Guzai. This deep-rooted hatred is

still prevalent. The now praised hero and legend of the "liberation struggle" Idris Awate, was a

notorious hoodlum and brigand during the British rule. He used to foray and assassinate the

Christian Kunamas and is still regarded as a gangster and enemy by the generations of the

Kunama people.The UN, which had a mandate to settle the Eritrean problem, came up with many

diverting views and suggestions, mainly to accommodate the British standpoints. The proposals

forwarded were the following:

partition of Eritrea and incorporation of its Islamic lowland to the Sudan, which was under the

British rule while the Christian highlands to Ethiopia,

unity with Ethiopia due to its strong cultural, economic and social ties

independence advocated by the ex-socialist countries, while leaving access to the sea through

the Afar coastline to Ethiopia or

new protectorate under the defeated power Italy.

However, the vast majority of Eritreans were for unity as was found out by the independent

commission of the UN, except one-two delegates giving differing views promoting self-interest.

The US in light of ameliorating the conditions came up with a compromise of a federation system

with Ethiopia. Thus, Eritrea was federated with Ethiopia in 1952, having its own "suffrage" and a

parliament for its internal affairs. His majesty Haile Selassie in his fervor for reconciliation and

trying to accommodate and unite the territory of Ethiopia started preferentially treating and

appeasing Eritreans by investing and pumping millions of Birr into the infrastructure and welfare

of Eritreans. For the first time, Eritreans were to attend higher education and occupy highly

esteemed governmental posts. Key positions in Eritrea were held by such people as the governor

Tedla Bairou, who after becoming Ethiopian Ambassador to Sweden in the sixties defected there,

General Tedla Uqbit, who was the police chief, Sheiks Suleiman and Ibrahim, Melake Selam

Demetros, Harregot Abay and Tesfa Yohannes Berhe to mention few among the many high

officials. A grave mistake made during this time was that the reckless and bloodstained war

criminals, who in collaboration with the fascists, massacred thousands of innocent Ethiopians and

harried the Ethiopian landscape, were never arraigned for crime against humanity. Thus,

Ethiopians have never got justice, redemption and recuperation from the unsavory relations with

Eritreans. On the contrary, the large influx of Eritreans southward to Ethiopia was on the rise.

Ethiopians with their characteristic generosity and politeness welcomed Eritreans with open arms

after years of separation. Soon, Eritreans started settling without any hinder in remote villages as

in big towns and cities. Small and big enterprises, such as bars and hotels, large agricultural

plots, landlords, garages, bakeries, pharmacies, etc. were owned and run by Eritreans. Eritrean

youths were encouraged to join the few institutions of higher education, opening more

opportunities and prospects of better life than other Ethiopians. It goes without saying that in a

relatively short span of time, wealth and Eritreans became synonymous. However, this rapid

reintegration and the stability and peace, which prevailed in Eritrea, were not in the interest of

anti-Ethiopian elements.Idris Awate, a staunch Islamist and jihadist and murderer of the Kunamas

and other Christians during the British rule and the federation years is hailed as an inspirer of the

armed-struggle to liberate Eritrea. The legend of this man as preposterously narrated by the

present day leaders begins with a "hero", who lifted his arms to shoot the first bullet against

Ethiopian colonialism on Sept. 1, 1961. This "holiday", celebrated in present Eritrea every year is

not only ludicrous but also symptomatic of the ignorance and misinterpretation of the

contemporary history of Eritrea. A malign fundamentalist, opposing the Christian domination of

the house of federation and administration of Eritrea with prime objective of destabilizing and

creating chaos and destruction, cannot be taken as a hero of the people. He was but a simple

shifta and menace to the peaceful existence and prosperity of both peoples. However, far into the

years of federation there were hidden conspiracies going on in and around the neighboring Arab

countries, Egypt as well as the Sudan. In 1962, when the exiled al-rabita members had convened

meetings in those countries, they were promised finance, full co-operation and logistic support.

Thus, the first "warriors", who were dispatched to plunge Eritrea and Ethiopia into violence,

bloodbath, destruction, tragedy and despair in contravention to the wishes of the broad and poor

masses, had their roots in those conspiracies. These regional hawks and their allies are the roots

to the cataclysms of war, devastation and destruction that we are still witnessing today.The

course of events changed in Eritrea, when the federal parliament in 1962 through a democratic

vote decided to abolish the federal system and announced its full membership as the 14th

province of Ethiopia. All the deputies (about 70) without any reservation either from Christians or

Moslems were unanimous in the decision to dissolve the parliament and instead be represented

in the Ethiopian parliament. Some may say that this decision was a hoax or may consider it as a

pressure exerted on the individual deputies by the Emperor. But, the fact still remains that the

decision was taken by Eritreans and for Eritreans to be part and parcel of the Ethiopian Empire. It

is to be noted, that neither the UN, former caretaker of Eritrea nor any other government ever

voiced concern over the decision taken by the Eritrean parliament to abolish the federation and

be united with Ethiopia. From this time on and in legal terms as well, the Eritrean problem was to

be considered as internal affairs of the State of Ethiopia. Any negotiation or renegotiation made

immediately after the defeat of the derg or the present impasse of delimitation and demarcation

should have started by taking into account the arrangements and agreements of 1952 with the

UN and the 1962 territorial integrations of Eritrea with Ethiopia. The fourth and last episode

contains the contemporary events following the ELF's, EPLF's and TPLF's policy and stance on

the actual question of solving the Eritrean problem.

Perspectives on the Eritrean-Ethiopia Relations and Outcomes

By Girma W. Senbet

PART III

The ERITREAN SEPARATIST MOVEMENT

The way the Eritrean politicians have described history during their long sojourn in Metahit or

Nakfa has laid the foundations, cementing the mainstays for confrontational policies towards

Ethiopia. The act of these politicians resembles that of a pettish child, i.e., they show immaturity

by appealing to emotions rather than to reason. The self-opinionated contradictions and hatreds

are so embedded in their mindsets that further reconciliation and rapprochements are distant.

For the sole purpose of power and abiding passion for war by an "invincible" army, they have

been raising dusts here and there and justifying wars now and then. Falsification of history and

abnegation of the relations have been the characteristics of these leaders. These are still

lacerating the feelings of the peoples against any normalization. To add to it all, repeated and

concocted stories and the continual rhymes, bemoaning their fate and condemning Ethiopians,

assailing others with insults, being enamored of Eritrea as an extraordinary and rich country,

regarding Eritreans as special people, Eritreans as brave and hardworking, Eritreans as civilized,

etc. have been and are to the ears of Ethiopians, serve as barriers to the common understanding

and healing the wounds among them. What then? Is there any possibility to dissociate Eritrea and

lift it from the African continent and place it somewhere near Italy? Since this highly wishful

thinking remains a dream, Eritreans should wake up from their illusion, learn from reality, live to

coexist and handle issues of significance with their neighbors.National programs, front

propagandas, individual standpoints have always established that Eritrea is a colonized country

bounded by the Red Sea on the East, the Sudan on the North and West and Ethiopia and Djibouti

on the South. Their perception of the history of Eritrea and the ensuing fictitious "30 years" of war

against colonialism, which was ignited by the extremist groups to dismantle the relations, have

created a never ending hate among the peoples with continued vicious circles of wars, mayhem,

disaster, diseases and displacement of the poor peoples, who are found in a permanent squalor

of total impoverishment. Let me try to summarize the historical account given by the EPLF (or

other likeminded organizations or persons) in its national democratic program (NDP) adopted at

its congress of Jan. 31, 1977.

This will help us understand their heresy and its preposterous impact on Ethiopian organizations,

especially the TPLF in defining the Eritrean issue from its own "scientific" horizon.Aside from what

they call the 3000 years of Ethiopian feudalists' fabrications of a legend to rule and expand, the

EPLF historians claim that after the fall of the Axumite Kingdom, no viable state ever existed

except for tribal and clannish warfare as well as aggressions between Moslems and Christians.

Therefore, our knowledgeable historians with parochial outlook adduce that the Axumite Kingdom

is an attempt or excuse by the Amhara chauvinists and feudalists to claim Eritrea as an integral

part of Ethiopia. Skipping the period after the Axumite Kingdom, the history of Eritrea arrives at

the sudden occupation of the Red Sea in 1557 by the Turks, which according to them was

resisted from advancement into the Eritrean hinterland. The Egyptians took over after the Turks in

1867 and their repeated attempts to expand southward were frustrated by popular resistance.

Their rule was only confined to Keren and the coastal areas and was weakened by the Mahdists

to be finally driven out by the Italians in 1885 (Italics mine). We know that the Bahr Negassis,

appointed by the Emperors in Gonder were in due administration of these territories to be

followed by Ras Michael Suhul, Dejazmatch Subagadis, Dejazmatch Wube (during King

Theodros) and as illustrated in part I, by Ras Alula (during Emperor Yohannes) who drove out the

Mahdists, Egyptians and annihilated the Italians in Dogali. The EPLF history books are full of

distortions and libels on Ethiopians. The purport of what has been written is to distance from the

Ethiopian heritage and the sacrifice paid to resist foreign intruders. The fact that Yohannes,

Emperor of Ethiopia, is simply called king of Tigrai is an attempt to undermine and conceal the

very existence of an Ethiopian state with strong ties to Mereb Melash under his leadership. It may

also be explained by the simple fact that Eritreans should not know that the "inferior and

uncivilized people", i.e., the Agames (name of Awraja in Tigrai) and the "adgi", name given to the

Amhara, were once great rulers of this problem-ridden part of Ethiopia.Although it was the desire

and interest of the Eritreans to join Ethiopia (see part II), there is a total blinding of the period of

Ethiopianism except for the false description of an alliance of Eritreans with the Allied powers to

drive out Italians in 1941 (remember the pro-Italian group in Part II).

The compromise put forward by the US about an alternative mechanism with a federal solution

with Ethiopia at the fifth regular session of the UN General Assembly, was blamed for an

imperialist and neocolonial interests of the US to give away the territory to the Amhara

expansionists and feudalists and provide them access to the sea. Thus, conclude the Eritrean

adherents of this new colonialist theory, Ethiopian colonialism was established through a proxy

arrangement to fulfill the hegemony of US imperialism. However, in most Eritrean publications

and propaganda, colonialist rule in Eritrea is totally ascribed to the "conquest" of Eritrea by

Emperor Yohannes. Eritreans are nurtured by these white lies portraying Ethiopia as a nonexistent,

backward and nonviable state in order to create a myth of a totally isolated and civilized

state of Eritrea, which suffered under the clutches of colonialism for almost 400 years with a

continuous resistance from its people. This fable serves as a background to the "heroic"

resistance, which gave rise to the start of the armed struggle in 1961 and "liberation" in 1991. But,

what is the truth about this legendary 30 years war?

Let's recount the short period of "recorded" history, the discords and squabbles among the

different fractions in Eritrea, which still continue to multiply like a hydra but I have no stamina to

enumerate here.The Eritrean Liberation Movement (ELM) was founded abroad by the self-exiled

traditional leaders from the Moslem dominated lowlands as described in Part II. This movement

not only lacked clear vision with outlined goals, but it also consisted of backward clans and sheiks

with the prime objective of creating hatred, bloodbath and instability among the peoples of Eritrea

and Ethiopia. No one really knows, even the Eritreans themselves, the exact time when the first

insurgents entered Ethiopia from the Sudan. It is simply alleged that the ELM, which changed its

name into Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), had its leadership, the Supreme Counci,l operating in

the Sudan. This leadership acting in the name of Eritrea was exploiting the generosity of Arab

countries by posing as Arabs. They were busy seeking aid during prayers going from one

mosque to another in most Arab countries, meeting both influential and wealthy Arabs, pretending

to be Baathists in Syria and Iraq and lauding that the brotherly people of Eritrea presented as

Arabs and Moslems, were suffering at the hands of the barbarous Christian Ethiopians. In 1965

the Front's leadership divided Eritrea with the few manpower they had into five different zones,

based on religion and nationality, each with its military commander and zonal administration. The

zones were autonomous entities, collecting their taxes, looting cattle, accumulating property,

levying taxes and fines, plundering public and private travelers, contending and fighting against

each other on religious and ethnic grounds. In short, they were acting as gang of robbers

competing for trophies, fame and domination.

Undemocratic practices in this feudo-hierarchical organization had led to executions,

incarcerations and mass disappearances. After many internal squabbles, clashes and

liquidations, the General Command, which got the upper hand in 1967-1969 after dismissal and

murder of hundreds, was resisted by an internal splinter group. This splinter group, which was

largely Christian (Issayas group) and the ELF head of foreign mission Osman Salih Sabe,

organized their forces and created the Eritrean Liberation Front-Popular Liberation Front (ELFPLF).

Though Sabe the head of the foreign mission to a large extent lacked foot soldiers in this

new alliance, he played an important role in creating new relations with Arab countries and

funding this fledgling and shaky organization. However, Sabe, married to a Syrian, lined his

pockets at the expense of poor Eritreans and became one of the richest shipowners in the Red

Sea region.The Revolutionary Council of the ELF passed a resolution to annihilate the ELF-PLF

in 1972. The war between these two groups lasted for three whole years, causing a great deal of

casualty, injury and destruction. This war was to continue even after the fall of Emperor

Haileselassie between 1974-1976, when Asmara was fully terrorized by these separatist groups.

The ELF, whose soldiers were being trained by Iraq, was forced to explain every single step it

took, be it congress decisions or its military actions against Ethiopia or ELF-PLF to its

commanders and financers in Baghdad. Iraq, which assumed the role of unifying Arab

nationalism after Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt and in contention with Syria, was pumping

millions of dollars in military support for organizations that were instrumental for its dream of

becoming a regional hegemony.

When the Revolutionary command went to Baghdad to explain its congress decisions in 1975, it

met Sabe concluding the principal agreement of merger, which was to be ratified a few months

later in Khartoum. The EPLF bitter and sidelined by this agreement declared the agreement

nullified and started hunting the Sabe people within its rank and file executing many fighters. In

1978, when the EPLF delegation went to lobby support from the Iraqi leadership, it was told that

they could also secure finances, but were also ordered to refrain from using any kind of force

against Baathist movements (interview with Issayas, Vanguard, July, 1978). Therefore, the ELF

survived and continued until the end of the 1970s. But with no "national unity" at the end of the

tunnel, the ELF was finally expelled from its operative area (Barka) in 1980 to the Sudan in a joint

military action by both the EPLF and TPLF. With the expulsion of the ELF, no one other than the

EPLF came to dominate the political and military life in Eritrea. It took the EPLF more than 16

years (according to their chronology) to "liberate" a hole, Nakfa in Sahel, which due to the chaos

after the military takeover in Ethiopia had not so much military activity. Mentioning the

significance of this "bravery", the CC of the TPLF sent a message congratulating in

commemoration of the second year victory of the EPLA (army) over the enemy. The message

reads, " The victory recorded by the heroic EPLA is a result of the just cause and principled stand

taken by the EPLF. This victory necessitates a blow to the army of the fascist derg and its

reactionary supporters. The people of Tigrai and its vanguard the TPLF convey their full

admiration for the victory at Nakfa and our principled support for your cause" (Progress, No. 52-

60, Oct. 1979-Jan. 1980).

The EPLF had also its heydays in exterminating what was usually called "the anarchists" or

"Menkae" dissidents, who didn't follow the doctrines of the great author to "We and our principle",

Issayas Afeworki. Many Eritreans accused to be spies and collaborators of Ethiopia were killed by

the "fedayeen", snipers both in towns and villages. All in all the number of people killed during

these years among Eritreans themselves exceeds far more those killed in direct combat between

the Ethiopian army and the insurgents. Eritreans have not yet digested or recognized the

enormity of the bloodshed and crimes by these predators. Unfortunately, this game continues as

long as they remain instruments of external forces destabilizing the region. In light of these facts,

the "agonies" Eritreans attribute to the period of Haileselassie era seem insignificant. The

Emperor, giving priority to reconciliation and diplomatic isolation of the fronts, had only a division

and after 1967 a commando force (about 300) mainly Eritreans to suppress the dangerous

movement in Eritrea. On his yearly visits to Eritrea, staying in one of his palaces in Massawa or

Asmara, the Emperor used to relent the situation as a transitory misbehavior of

adolescence.During the whole period of their struggle against "colonialism", due to their shallow

understanding of the legacies of the people, they made Ethiopian residents in Eritrea, the primary

targets of their outrage and terrorism. Ethiopians whether public employees, private

entrepreneurs and hard earning men and women were in Eritrea a fortiori of having the same

destiny and opportunity to work and serve, marry, move, invest, etc as their more than 400000

Eritrean counterparts living in Ethiopia. Generations of Ethiopians have been living with Eritreans

without any discord. However, the propaganda and deeds of the separatists were and are

horrifying for those who experienced the pogrom both during and after the "liberation" struggle.

Not withstanding the pillage the Eritrean people went through, large tracts of neighboring areas in

Ethiopia were subjected to repeated attacks and thefts. Many people do know by now the case of

the poor Ethiopian workers, whose tongues were cut, based on suspicion to have poisoned the

waterholes because they just happened to be in the immediate vicinity of the brigands.

Thousands of soldiers, who as prisoners of war (POW) should have been treated according to the

Geneva Conventions, were summarily executed, interrogated and flogged to death and some

were kept under total servitude to work on roads, dig trenches, fetch firewood and water, etc

barefooted and under arduous working conditions.

Propaganda video films with odious fascist messages that " an inferior people were conquering

the Eritrean wombs" and describing "miscegenation" as a final blow to the very existence of the

Eritrean race, were not only anchoring repeated and ingrained prejudices but were also creating a

future tragedy for Ethiopians living in Eritrea. When the EPLF gained control of the cities and

towns in 1991, consequent to this policy, it started immediately compelling the "occupants" to

leave Eritrea. In a matter of a few months, 180000 Ethiopians were forced to leave Eritrea

abandoning their private properties, uprooted, confiscated, robbed, abased and mocked.

Rejected by the new Ethiopian government, these people who were once self-reliant were

degraded to begging alms and living in makeshift plastic shelters, scattered throughout Ethiopia.

No one can ever forget the fate of the more than 3000 children, whose fathers happened to be

Ethiopians and were damped near the border to Zalambessa. In line with the fascist policy of the

EPLF, any Ethiopian and anything Ethiopian was to be removed, discarded or demolished. It was

clearly stated in the NDP of the EPLF, that it would:obliterate the decadent culture and

disgraceful social habits that Ethiopian colonialism have spread…..nationalize all industries in the

hands of the Ethiopian colonialism….mercilessly punish aliens (Ethiopians) who as lackeys and

followers of Ethiopian colonialism…..etc., (my insertion).However, the TPLF had no contingencies

and failed to rescue and protect its own citizens against the crimes committed by the EPLF.

Instead of nipping this plot in the bud, the TPLF continued to appease Eritreans, despite massive

protests and warnings from Ethiopians against this unholy alliance, war-cloud and exploitation of

Ethiopia. These Ethiopians were dismissed as chauvinists, narrow nationalists, reactionaries,

anti-people, warmongers, warriors, derg remnants, etc. The Eritrean dictator, who rolled into

Badme and occupied Irob-Zalambessa, and Bure was allowed to desolate and ravage for two

whole years. The explanation given was plain and simple, i.e., EPLF stabbed us in the back!

The inhumane act by the EPLF has been and is still a disturbing and an unforgettable chapter

that has to be addressed and thoroughly analyzed by historians. This analysis is needed not to

deepen the hatred against each other but to heal the wounds and gain lessons so that lunatic

leaders, hatemongers, extremists and troublemakers do not repeat their heinous crimes. The

twist of the irony is that those who used to spread racial purity, are now haunted as "agame and

amhara, adgi" by the very people they indoctrinated and are now asked to step down from the

Eritrean political scene.

There maybe some truth in the assertion that very few in the leadership in Eritrea can trace back

their "Eritrean ancestry" farther than a generation.The ELF or the EPLF have always been

vacillating in their ultimate stands and relations with others. They can befriend one today and

become enemy tomorrow depending on the whims of the leaders of these organizations. They

are cunning and know how to cut out the histrionics and master performances in order to

convince outsiders and their supporters. I remember once in 1989, when an EPLF delegation was

in Atlanta to meet government representatives of the US, the EPLF as if in a combined order

suddenly ran, dispersed and hid themselves under the tables around. Aghast and surprised by

this scene, the Americans asked what all this was about and got a reply from these actors that it

was an instinctive act to take shelter against military jet planes and thought that the planes, which

flew were Ethiopian. Feeling pity, the Americans gave all the comfort and sympathy for these

scared and poor fellows!

In 1982 (Progress, No. 131, Jan. 26), the EPLF condemned the direct involvement by Muammer

Ghadaffi in the war against them by supplying Ethiopia more than $80 million and three C-130

Hercules planes for troop transport. Now the Brother is elevated above all others for his intimate

friendship and solidarity (birds of the same feather..) with the Eritrean people! The ELF and EPLF

together or separately met the derg several times for final settlement of the Eritrean issue. The

ELF met the derg 7 times and after its disintegration, most of its clannish leaders were offered

governorship in awarajas and woredas. The same was also true about the EPLF, which met derg

officials 11 times, especially under the auspices and guidance of a common friend the German

Democratic Republic (GDR). The GDR, which was one of the leading socialist countries

strengthening the war machinery of the derg alongside with the USSR, was proposing self-rule in

the form of autonomy or a union or a merger of socialist oriented groups and countries in the Red

Sea region (Ethiopia, South Yemen and EPLF). There were times, when the EPLF contemplated

accepting these solutions. But the successful surge by the TPLF changed the course of events,

thereby strengthening the position of the EPLF. As soon as the military government of Colonel

Mengistu was overthrown in May 1991, Issayas on his way to the London conference of the

opposition forces declared that there was a way out of the present impasse. In his interview to the

EPLF's propaganda leaflet (Echo, 1991) he insisted that, the Eritrean people should live together

with Ethiopia not only for the sake of preferring bigger bread is better than a smaller one but he

claimed also that both have the same destiny and culture. In 1996, when Issayas was on official

visit to his comrade-in-arms, Meles Zenawi, he at a press conference said that it was a matter of

time that Ethiopia and Eritrea will unite in some form of arrangement in order to create a

confederation or union. Both Eritrean separatist groups have had their own puppet organizations

in Ethiopia. The TLF was collaborating with the ELF, the EPLF was training and taking joint

military actions with the TPLF while at the same time was imposing its will on the EPRP and OLF,

issuing now and then communiqués be it military or political.

The EPLF could sometimes blackmail an organization into submitting its will, otherwise there was

a risk that the organization could not enjoy and garner up the support from the same sources.

The EPLF has not concealed its ambition to render Ethiopia weak and disintegrated by directly

cooperating and supporting anti-Ethiopian groups. Its direct intervention in the Southwestern part

of Ethiopia in alliance with the OLF, where derg's forcefully relocated people were slaughtered

and burned alive in a gruesome attack by these organizations, is still vivid in our

memories.Eritreans should know that the destiny of both peoples should lie in the hands of

responsible leadership. No one can live in a glorious past by idealizing and romanticizing a myth

into eternity. It is true that many people lost their lives and were terrorized both in Ethiopia and

Eritrea by previous regimes. Issayas has repeatedly and clearly stated that pluralistic society in

Eritrea is premature and counterproductive and therefore the conclusion should be a president for

life hailed and praised by the masses as a sole and absolute monarch to incriminate, prosecute,

judge, appoint and remove citizens. This is the general pattern and standard of coercion for

leaders coming to power by the barrel of the gun. Violence is so deep-rooted that alternative

methods of peaceful settlements are unknown to their mind. A concerted and conscious struggle

against these merciless and vicious dictators should be one of the prime tasks for the democratic

forces in Eritrea in creating mutual understandings among the peoples to a peaceful and

prosperous life.

Ethiopians and Eritreans share the same heritage, culture, language (except few) and history

(except for the 50 years of Italian and 10 years British occupation). The ideals of the present

regime "after me the deluge", have to be abandoned for the sake of future generations. Ethiopia

can never accept being strangulated of its natural outlet to the sea by the illegal agreement of two

unrepresentative organizations. If access to the sea is not resolved peacefully, no conflict will only

be limited to minor internal adjustments of small degrees of latitudes and longitudes.

TPLF's Outlook on Eritrea and Distortions of Ethiopian History By Girma W. Senbet

PART IV

TPLF's Outlook on Eritrea and Distortions of Ethiopian HistoryBACKGROUND

There is no question that has preoccupied the TPLF since its inception in Feb. 1975, even to the

extent of liquidating opponents and people with alternative views, more than the "Eritrean colonial

question" and its "lasting solution". The TPLF by providing full independence to Eritrea without

say from the Ethiopian people and by its all-out recognition and full support of Eritrea, is the only

organization known in the history of Ethiopia to have willingly and stupendously committed the

crime of disintegrating the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ethiopia. Since usurping state

power in May 1991, TPLF's advocacy for Eritrea has fomented increased anger, ill feeling and

indignation among the Ethiopian people. No one is unhappy about getting rid of the Eritrean

nuisance and menace once for all. The fascistic nature of the organizations and the present

government, it is well understood that their programs and deeds would never have led to mutual

understandings and common benefits for both peoples. But the way it was haphazardly and

adventurously handled by the TPLF taking up the cudgels for Eritrean independence without

looking into the overall national interest of Ethiopia is a betrayal of the highest degree.The history

of Ethiopia has been manipulated and distorted as to fit into the fragmentary "scientific historical

description" of the TPLF so that separatists and narrow-minded organizations would be free to

secede. The Ethiopia of their creation is a country without binding denominators of a common

history and culture. For the TPLF, no Ethiopia, no culture, no unity, no history, no kings or

kingdoms, etc. has ever existed in this lovely home of the human ancestry.

Obliterate what was the history of yesteryears and fantasize new dogmas were and are still the

bluff of this eerie creatures. Ever since this group came to power, it has been dogged by

misfortunes. Dismissal of its fighters and the professional army, internal cracks, suppression of

fundamental democratic rights, religious or political riots, hunger, misery, poverty, diseases, levity

and adamant to views and pleas, affront, moral degeneration, corruption, cataclysmic wars, etc.

have become its defining characteristics, which will eventually lead to its final crack and

replacement by a just system. The TPLF leadership, whether old or new, dead or alive, purged or

active, imprisoned or free is all in the same boat, responsible for the tragedies and the present

impasse in which Ethiopia is dragged into. The TPLF leadership has committed itself to the

Eritrean issue not because of its blubber of a principled stand but due to its anti-Ethiopian stand.

Let's concatenate on how the TPLF came into being with its historical "understanding",

propaganda, deeds, and its celestial joy of finding a panacea to the Eritrean problem and

corroborate it with facts from its own-recorded history. TPLF's incompetence to resolve problems

in connection with the Eritrean issue is of special interest in understanding this group, which in

the name of Tigreans in particular and Ethiopians in general has been manipulating the history of

Ethiopia for the last the last 28 years. The genesis of all the crises in today's Ethiopia is a result of

the deliberate stand taken by the leadership of the TPLF to dismantle the country without a

common heritage and expose it to its eternal enemies.

The beginning of the armed struggle

The history of the TPLF begins in student movements both before and after the military take-over

in 1974. The Organization of Progressive Tigreans (OPT) rallied on a common line to struggle

against oppression in the Empire state of Ethiopia, finally deciding to wage its armed insurrection

against the military government in Feb. 18, 1975. It was the call of the day during those times to

join hands and fight against the injustice and repressions in many nationalities and provinces of

Ethiopia, such as Tigrai, Oromo, Afar, Ogaden, etc. Though there were multinational

organizations and parties during the immediate ascendancy of the Derg to power, no one of them

had a clear vision on how to join forces and solve the issues of nationalities. The multinational

group, largely composed of one or more dominating ethnic groups, had also different approaches

toward the military government. The Meison (represented by Oromos and Amharas) advocated

close cooperation with the Derg, while the EPRP (represented by Amharas and Tigreans) opted

for armed struggle with an urban-based guerrilla. The repressive system of the Derg with mass

arrests, torture, killings and banning of the fundamental rights of human rights not only scared

many but also increased the glow of nationalist fervor among the youth, who started joining the

battle areas. There were many who joined these nationalist and multinationalist organizations,

genuinely convinced and determined to overthrow the military dictatorship and replace it with a

just and democratic system.

This was why many people in Oromo, Amhara, Afar, Tigrai, and many other places suffered and

became victims of the Derg's reign of terror. People, slain and butchered by the notorious killing

squads of the Derg lying at the front doors and streets were terrible testimonies. But the Derg or

previous governments of Ethiopia had one common trait, i.e., never to bargain on the national

interest of Ethiopia.The conditions at the outset of 1974 therefore, laid a foundation for the

national struggle in Tigrai. A small group went to Dedebit, while the majority of 20 men were in

Eritrea for military and political training by the cadres of the EPLF. Brainwashed by historical

lessons according to the EPLF's distorted and falsified views, these 20 men with 20 donated

automatic and semiautomatic rifles joined the group in Tigrai. Excepting the blood connections of

some of the leaders to Eritrea, two EPLF fighters, Mussie and Yemane (a ka Jamaica) were

among the first dispatches of that organization to be directly involved in the everyday work of the

TPLF. In this initial phase of the struggle, Meles who would have been among the first trainees

was said to have been scared by the sound of gunfire and was hidden in Asmara[1] or was found

by his comrades playing billiard in Senafe[2]. The first plot of unmaking Tigrai Ethiopian was

authored by the anti-Ethiopian group who are now at the helm of power by declaring Tigrai an

independent democratic republic in the inglorious manifesto of 1976. The secessionist policy

forwarded by this group of leaders was in fact in line with the policy followed by the EPLF,

describing a quasi-colonial status to the question of Tigrai and its final resolution.TPLF's stand on

the Eritrean question and manipulation of historyThe influence of the EPLF and its hate against

the central governments of Ethiopia was thoroughly clear in the propaganda leaflets of the TPLF.

The TPLF in almost all its activities acted as a surrogate and spokesperson to the Eritrean

question. Official party program of the TPLF as far back as March 2, 1978 declares;

1. Eritrea is under the colonial rule of Ethiopia. Thus, the Eritrean question is colonial.

2. The TPLF fully supports the struggle of the Eritrean people against the colonial rule of Ethiopia.

3. The TPLF condemns the repression of the Eritrean people by the fascist government of

Ethiopia.

4. We endeavor to work together for cementing the revolutions in Tigrai and Eritrea.

Based on this program, the TPLF tried to analyze and develop a new theory of colonial question,

tailor-made for the Eritrean issue. Although there are similar materials published during the

TPLF's struggle for self-determination and Eritrea's independence, let me concentrate on some of

the papers, written by the TPLF and the book authored by Meles "The Eritrean people's struggle

from where to where", April 1986.

"Eritrea is situated in the strategic region of the Red Sea and has been a target for colonial

powers. Based on these circumstances, Eritrea starting from the 16th century onwards was

occupied by the Turks and then by the Egyptians. After the Egyptians, Italy was the power that

controlled the whole of Eritrea. Italian imperialism administered Eritrea from 1890 till 1941. When

Italy was defeated during the Second World War, Eritrea was occupied by British imperialism

during the period 1941-1952. The country, which after the British colonized was Ethiopia.

Ethiopian colonialism is a new kind of colonialism, created after the fall of western colonialism. It

is obvious that the western colonial powers by pretentiously granting independence to countries

in Asia and Africa changed their tactics of oppression and exploitation after the Second World

War by subjecting these countries to a neocolonialist rule. Imperialism by denying independence

to some countries so that its interests are fully implemented, wanted its puppet to take control of

Eritrea. A plot by the US and British imperialists under the name of "federation" and the UN's

consent enabled Ethiopia to colonize Eritrea. There is no doubt that Eritreans have been waging

their struggles against all kinds colonialists, Turks, Egyptians, Italians and then British. Now the

struggle against Ethiopian colonialism is a continuation for the independence of Eritrea. After a

series of setbacks due to the reactionary movement in the beginning of the struggle, progressive

and democratic forces have now got the upper hand in Eritrea. Though the Amhara government,

supported by zionists and imperialists wants to suppress the just cause of the Eritrean struggle,

they will never stop it from achieving its independence.

The Eritrean revolution as a legitimate and popular revolution is exemplary to all oppressed

people in the region." Revolt, No. 2, Sept. 1978.In another leaflet, People's Voice, No. 7, Jan.

1978, the history of Eritrea goes as far back as to the Axumite kingdom and says "The rulers of

Amhara and their followers have been trumpeting different lies about "the continued existence of

Ethiopia down from the Axumite kingdom", "Eritrea as part of Ethiopia, Ethiopia as the mother of

Eritrea, etc." This is completely without reality and objectivity, intended mainly by Haileselassie

and Derg to mislead people and justify their rule. We have to use scientific analysis as our prime

duty in order to expose and fight these reactionaries, expansionists and chauvinists. Let's give an

example on how this propaganda is useless when considering the Roman Empire, which ruled

France, Germany, England and even Jerusalem. Could it be possible now for the Italian

government to claim back France, because Italy was the mother of France? Wonders! But now

we know that the present government in Italy has no connection with the Roman Empire and both

countries are independent. No continuity observed by the TPLF historian except few lines about

the Axumite Kingdom and a sporadic leap into the 15th century and Theodro in the 18th century.

For example, it is asserted that missionaries who came to visit King Dawit III (1507-1540) told him

that by crossing Tigrai, there was a place called Medre Bahri. Theodros, who wanted to unite the

disintegrated territories didn't make it through to the seashore. According to written history,

Emperor Yohannes, who wanted trade exchange with the outside world thanks to the new route

through the Suez Canal and by the help of Ras Alulas army's invasion of the lowlands and

Dogali, had great problems even to control such areas as Hamassien.""The Eritrean question

seen from its historical, legal and politico-economic perspectives and analysis is not different from

other African or world-wide just struggles for independence.

It is a just and colonial struggle. Ethiopian history with its central government is not more than

hundred years. It all starts from Menelik.The United Nations without consulting the Eritrean

people forced the Eritrean people to unite into an arrangement of a federal system with Ethiopia.

The "federation" was concluded under the UN's mandate and cannot be amended as a simple

internal affair by Ethiopia. Therefore, the question of Eritrea from its legal point of view is a

colonial occupation and defense against it. It is a question of a legitimate colonial and

independence struggle. It is impossible to reach the ultimate goal of democratic revolution without

proletarian dictatorship. In order to have a proletarian dictatorship in a democratic revolution,

there should also be a strong worker's party. Therefore, the colonial struggle in Eritrea in order to

fulfill the interests of the mass must not only have a democratic organization but also needs a

worker's party. The fronts that are fighting for Eritrea are only nationalists. Even though they have

this simple stand, the relations of democratic organizations in Ethiopia with the Eritrean fronts

should be based on support and unity." In the book entitled "The Eritrean people's struggle from

where to where", April 1986 and authored by Meles.This is the replica of the Eritrean history, reechoing

the EPLF's (see PART III) stand but written and even improved by the TPLF to the extent

of assisting the liberation of Eritrea while it totally ruins the history of our ancestral home. It is a

clear humiliation of a great country we all love and respect. Moreover, it clearly shows an affidavit

to fight tooth and nail together with the separatists for the independence of Eritrea. Perfidious as

they are, these know-it-all historians of the TPLF do not even mention the enormous sacrifice

paid by our forefathers to defeat the intruders, such as the Turks, Dervish, Egyptians and Italians

(see Part I) and liberate our land.

They have even gone further than the EPLF by declaring Ras Alula as an invader with no control

of the Mereb Melash, whose cultural, historical, economic and social contacts were intimately

interlinked with the rest of Ethiopia. The disregard for the sacrifice paid by our people and armies

confronting well-armed and organized enemies in order to preserve the territorial integrity of the

country, shows the total contempt this organization had and still has for the freedom-loving

people of Ethiopia. Ethiopia, being disparaged to only 100 years old history, shows how these

disreputable persons and mountebanks from the early start of their struggle were bent on

destroying advisedly and systematically the psychological make-up of the people. Manipulation of

Ethiopian history was one of the moves to dismantle the country and satisfy their EPLF masters.

Their grotesque talk of the "scientific" example in terms of the Roman Empire in comparison to

Ethiopia not only shows their bogus attempt to redefine the existence of Ethiopia in order to

please the Eritrean separatists, but also confirms their abysmal ignorance or duplicity as to

renounce the course of historical events, prevailing in two entirely different epochs, locations and

cultures. The fall of the Roman Empire (476 AD), which covered vast landmasses and seas in

Europe and Northern Africa, was about 400 years earlier than the Axumite Empire. Covering an

area with hundreds of cultures and languages often with competing tribes was untenable to hold

together the crumbling empire, resulting in internal feuds, revolts and invasions.

The intercultural relations of the people within the Axumite Empire were not comparable to the

Roman Empire. Although Axum's fall can have problems of multifaceted character, the main

reason given was the internal revolt by Yodit Gudit, resulting in the overthrow of the sovereign

ruler, Anbessa Wudim. In face of the widespread bloodbath, thousands of inhabitants of Axum

moved southwards, where priests and monks are believed to settle in the islands of Zwai,

stemming from this tragic episode by bringing with them the tabot (Ark of the Covenant) 3 4.

There has always been a movement and intermingling of people without tribal or ethnic

connotation. Therefore, today's Ethiopia could not be totally insulated to one or another ethnic

group, dominating the scene of Ethiopian body politics but has always embraced an

amalgamation of the peoples living within its territories for thousands of years. D. N. Levin5

mentions the regime shift of 1991, which catapulted into power an elite with a dim view of historic

Ethiopia and its dismemberment as Africa's oldest nation. Furthermore, he writes that from

earliest times, the symbolism of Ethiopian statehood could mobilize members of diverse ethnic

groups and regions on behalf of their national homeland.During the 15th century, when the TPLF

historian fabricates about the king, the Portuguese army that came to help Emperor Gelawdewos

fight against Gragn, was ceremoniously received by the governor of Medre Bahri called Baher

Negash Yisshak in July 1541. We have at the same time a historical record, saying that the

Emperor who ruled Ethiopia before Gelawdewos was his father Emperor Libne Dingil (1508-

1540)3 not the fictitious King Dawit III. Dawit III, according to the Royal chronicles was a ruler

during 1716-1721, i.e., 200 years after the TPLF's time record. The fight against Gragn was not

only the work of an Amhara king but was a large-scale war involving forces recruited from

Dembya, Gojjam, Begemidr, Lasta, Tigrai and Hamasien3. Ras Suhul Michael (1730-1780) was a

ruler of the provinces of Tigrai and Medre Bahri for 40 years and over Ethiopia as a de facto ruler

for another 10 years. Emperor Tewodros never needed and bothered to set foot on Medre Bahri,

because his viceroys in these areas were not contending his power-base as they did in other

places. In fact, the largest portion of state revenue came from these regions. It amounted to an

annual income of 200,000 Maria Theresa thalers, of which 35,0000 thalers was paid by

Dejazmatch Baryaw Paulos (governor of northern part of Tigray), married to the daughter of

Tewodros, about 32,000 thalers came from Dejazmatch Hialu Tewolde-Medhin (governor of

Hamassien and Seraye) and about 17,000 thalers came from Basha Gebre Egzi of Akele

Guzay.6History for the TPLF is simply a paper tiger with no value and no use. It is only a

hotchpotch written to satisfy emperors, kings and feudals by obsequious Amhara history writers.

History as a collective driving force and as a mirror image of yesterday and today, its

interchangeability, its impetus in nation making and its educative role in unity has a tremendous

impact on the coming generations of Ethiopians.

Ethiopia being devoid of its history, just for the sake of Eritrean independence and in contrivance

to satisfy one's own fight against oppression, can only be considered as an atrocious war waged

by an insidious enemy to both expose the country to an external adversary and strip it of the

common heritage of a unified country. A whole range of historically authentic accounts in books,

evidences and chronicles is of interest, especially for those who say that they represent the

country, but lack the elementary knowledge on how the Medre Bahri (Mereb Melash) was part

and parcel of Ethiopia. It is part of the strategy of the TPLF leadership to continue with its

irreverence of the Ethiopian people and history, lambaste and unleash scurrilous attacks upon

Ethiopians for being chauvinists, reactionaries, conservatives, irredentists, etc., so that its

magnanimous attitude and sympathy to the Eritrean cause and Eritrea would continue

unabated.(To be continued)

[1] Tesfay Atsbeha (Cento) and Kahsay Berhe, Two groups of the TPLF and Two issues of

Ethiopia[2] Witness by Aregawi Berhe, Ex-Military Commander of the TPLF3 Belai Giday,

Ethiopian Civilization, Addis Ababa, Dec. 19924 Graham Hancock, The Sign and the Seal, The

quest of the lost Covenant, Crown Publishers, 1992.

5 D. N. Levin, Reconfiguring the Ethiopian nation in a global era, Aug. 19, 2003.6 Bahru Zewde,

History of Modern Ethiopia 1855-1974, Addis Ababa Ubiversity Press, 1991.

TPLF's relations with the separatist movements of Eritrea By Girma W. Senbet

PART IV (continued)

TPLF's relations with the Eritrean separatist organizations (ELF and EPLF) were initially cordial

with frequent common military operations against the campaigns of the derg. The campaigns,

launched through Tigrai were usually blocked before entering the provincial territory of Eritrea.

But during the course of this collaboration, things were not as smooth as the TPLF had expected.

The first encounter of hostility with the ELF was due to the conflict between the TLF (Tigrai

Liberation Front) and TPLF. The TLF, which had intimate contacts and military operations with

the ELF (among others the bombing of Wabi Shebelle Hotel, the Municipality building and Bole

Airport in Addis Ababa), was suddenly overran during festivity to celebrate on the merger of the

two organizations and got its leaders murdered by the TPLF. The TPLF sent its delegates to

explain this incident and the ELF was allowed to make its own investigations, by interrogating

those few who were held in custody. The ELF was not fully satisfied with what it found out about

the arrests and killings. Further, the ELF started arming its own militia and organizing people of

Eritrean origin in the border areas and was levying heavy taxes on them. In addition to this, the

ELF was trying its best to annex Ethiopian territories by declaring the whole of Adiabo as part of

Eritrea and was allowed to administer and stay in these areas as part of a concession with the

TPLF. Though relations started deteriorating between these two organizations, they made joint

military operations against the derg until the end of 1978. The TPLF was allowed to pass through

the ELF controlled areas to the Sudan, obtained automatic and semi-automatic rifles, while the

TPLF donated to the ELF cars, bulldozers, generators, etc. But at the end of 1979, when the

TPLF made a raid upon the EPRP, the ELF in support of the EPRP made a counteroffensive in

places such as Wolkait and Gemhalo (it was a carnage scene during the war 1998-2000). Due to

the internal contradictions and wars between the Eritrean separatist movements, the EPLF took

advantage of this situation and launched its offensive against the ELF in direct cooperation with

the TPLF. The ELF, which was recognized as a democratic organization by the TPLF, was finally

sent to rest in the Sudan after being in the Eritrean war drama for more than 15 years.

Based on the principled stand of support and unity with Eritrean separatists against the enemy

and recognizing the EPLF as a democratic organization (basically on their stand against

feudalism, imperialism and zionism), the TPLF was eager sometimes to the extent of begging, to

have extensive collaboration with the EPLF. Tigrigna "revolutionary songs" were dedicated to the

Eritrean fighters and mothers and political manifestations and orientations about the new type of

Ethiopian colonialism were carried out throughout Tigrai. Dissent on this issue was equal to death

and members were entirely recruited depending on their views associated to this question.

Haughty as they are and knowing the total servitude of the TPLF to the Eritrean cause, the EPLF

started searching for stronger organizations such as the EPRP (this organization too has had

numerous declarations and communiqués with the EPLF) as a corporate and future partner in

Ethiopia. But after the disappearance of the EPRP and ELF from the scenes, the strained

relations among them began to thaw. The EPLF needed someone to cover and protect the vast

tracts of the Sahel trenches, which was earlier occupied by the ELF. Many TPLF fighters were

trained in military combat and were given education on "the colonial history of Eritrea". These new

recruits were used as canon fodders to the repeated military campaigns of the derg. Many were

sent to the Sahel fighting areas as frontline combatants without even having prior knowledge of

the terrain. Only God knows how many of our countrymen, who thought that they were fighting

against the injustice of the derg, died in the Sahel desert to save the EPLF for the sole cause of

Eritrea! The "sixth", "secretive" and "northern star", etc. campaigns of the derg were all aimed at

annihilating the EPLF. However, these campaigns were foiled thanks to the TPLF's participation

giving the EPLF the upper hand to intensify its war against the derg and control more areas in

Eritrea. The TPLF leadership is culpable for this act of being an accomplice to and should be held

responsible for the bloodshed among Ethiopians (the derg's army and TPLF's soldiers) in order to

liberate Eritrea.The TPLF was also in conflict with the EPLF based on ideological and military

strategy and operations. The main discord include:

The stand taken by the EPLF on the Soviet Union as a socialist country while the TPLF

characterized it as a socio-imperialist country

Use of mobile guerilla warfare vis-à-vis defensive force concentration at Nakfa, where the TPLF

used to come and rescue the EPLF from the derg's carnageThe repeated talks of the EPLF with

the derg, keeping the outcomes secret and tight without exposing the nature of the negotiations

On the creation of a united Eritrean front with the EPLF stressing on a unified army under

common military strategy, while the TPLF was on the contrary against this idea based on its

assessment of the politico-economic and societal classification of workers and peasants in

Eritrea. In a class society should, says the TPLF, the workers and peasants have the right to

create worker's party with its organizational freedom within this united front comprising the

bourgeoisie, petty bourgeoisie and others.The EPLF's stand on the call for united front in

Ethiopia, stating that TPLF's view about this front to be against the Soviet Union and derg is an

open invitation to the direct interference of American imperialism in Ethiopia, andAccording to the

EPLF, TPLF's declared program on self-determination up to secession should be abandoned

unless it includes democratic unity as the only option. (Reply to the EPLF's radio program in the

leaflet by the TPLF "Great leap forward" March 1985,)These above points gradually led to the

deterioration of the relations between these two organizations, with the EPLF declaring total

withdrawal from its military agreement in confronting the derg's 8th military campaign in Tigrai.

In a meeting, summoned by the TPLF in order to discuss and settle all the above issues in

Khartoum, the EPLF delegates walked out of the meeting telling the TPLF that they had no

agenda to discuss with the TPLF and they should not expect any cooperation whatsoever in the

future. These were not the only major "betrayals" by the EPLF as the TPLF or many others

wanted to describe them. With the focus of the whole world on the Ethiopian famine during 1984-

85 trying to help the starving people of Ethiopia and especially Tigrai, which was off the limits due

to the war with the derg, the EPLF suddenly closed its territories, the only available road transport

for relief aid from the Sudan to Tigrai. This inhuman act of this fascist organization angered not

only the Tigrean fighters and people but also many aid agencies and governments. The TPLF

therefore was forced to move most of the needy, old as small through unprotected areas to the

Sudan. derg's bomb planes killed many people and others succumbed to their injuries and

malnourishment. As for the TPLF, this terrifying famine had another outcome. It led to an

economic boom for the TPLF through its organization the Relief Society of Tigray (REST) (now

managed by EFFORT), which in the name of the Tigrean people earned millions of dollars and

hundreds of trucks. Much of the thousands of tons of wheat, cereals, edible oil, etc received

through donations were sold and resold to fill TPLF's coffers.

Though thousands of its rank and file soldiers were against any kind of cooperation with the EPLF

and even threatening to direct their arms against the EPLF, the mischievous leaders of the TPLF

once again started recasting a new strategy on how to tackle the impasse. They encouraged new

groups of "progressive and communist-oriented" Eritreans (Sagem and Democratic Movement for

the Liberation of Eritrea (DMLE), both splinter groups from the ELF) to operate within their

territories as an alternative force to the EPLF. They were allowed to organize Eritreans within

Tigrai, recruit Eritreans, who fled from the EPLF's and derg's forced conscription, carry on

political activity, etc. The TPLF was also active in organizing and giving orientations about Eritrea

to Eritreans, living in Tigrai and those who escaped from the towns and the EPLF, to join hands

and liberate themselves from the colonial rule of Ethiopia. Eritreans, coming to the liberated areas

of Tigrai were gathered kept separate (not to mingle with Ethiopians) and were exclusively given

generous reception. The reason given was that Ethiopians should show penitence for the

enormous suffering of Eritreans and therefore the TPLF was obliged to give special treatment and

hospitality to these foreigners. After the fall of the derg in 1991, the two groups Sagem and DMLE

established headquarters in Mekelle, but were abandoned when the TPLF concluded an

agreement with the EPLF in 1992 not to support each other's opponents. EPLF's killing squads

murdered some members of these groups in Ethiopia and others fled to Europe or elsewhere.Be

that as it may, the TPLF broke the ice again and held a meeting with the EPLF in 1988 in

Khartoum to draw a common strategic military operation against the Mengistu regime.

TPLF soldiers were involved in many battlefields in Eritrea, while the only significant part the

EPLF participated in was the battle of Shire Endaselassie. The notorious 604th corps, which was

the pride of the derg in Endaselassie, according to both fronts' assertion, was a threat not only to

the lifeline supply routes within Eritrea but also to almost all the liberated areas in Tigrai.

Following this battle, the derg's army was cut and isolated inside Eritrea, through which no

logistics and military hardware could be supplied or reach the army in Tigrai and Eritrea from

Begemidr. The derg was practically incapacitated, opening the way for repeated aggressions

from the part of the EPLF in Eritrea and TPLF in other parts of Ethiopia, bringing the final downfall

of the derg in May 1991. TPLF soldiers were helpful in liberating Dekemhare, Assab, Massawa

and Adi Keyih and a small contingent of armored unit of the EPLF also followed the whole way to

Addis Abeba. EPLF's only gratitude was to set on fire the military hardware, worth millions of

dollars and thereby exposed the lives of thousands of people to the danger of explosions and fire

in Gotera sefer.

Mengistu, the dictator for 17 years in power sneaked out into exile to Zimbabwe through Kenya

in May 1991. His remaining bunch of officers, who took state power were not able to administer

the country for a mere ten days. US Ambassador Herman Cohen chaired the negotiations in

London among the stakeholders, i.e., TPLF (Meles), EPLF (Issayas) and OLF (Lencho). This was

the opportune moment, when the TPLF could have got concessions on Ethiopia's right of access

to the sea. But, the "chief negotiator" and "representative" of Ethiopia, who fought all his life for

the liberation of Eritrea, turned a deaf ear to the cry for the access to the sea. The alarmingly

serious strategic port and sea issue was completely downplayed and Meles arbitrarily recognized

the de facto independence of Eritrea without convening Ethiopians to discuss this emergency

situation! Ethiopia, which had enjoyed hundreds of years (except the temporary Italian occupation

of Eritrea) of maritime ownership, was finally left landlocked to be blackmailed and humiliated at

the hands of Eritreans. The subversive acts of the TPLF leadership that pervade Ethiopia

threatens the very existence of Ethiopia by turning it into a landlocked nation, which is

permanently vulnerable to the whims, blackmails and pressures by all its enemies.Creation of

Satellite Organizations and the Independence of Eritrea.

The TPLF, knowing that it could not alone handle the justification of Eritrean secession and

independence, started almost in a state of panic looking for accessories to its pro-Eritrean stand.

One of the first groups to fall prey for the TPLF's despicable maneuver of aligning an Ethiopian

organization in its misbegotten plan for liberating Eritrea was the Ethiopian People's Democratic

Movement (EPDM), which renamed itself as Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM)

after the fall of the derg. This organization had fallen out from the EPRP, when the TPLF attacked

the EPRP throughout 1978-1980 in both Tigrai and Begemidr. This small unit of fighters caught

between the devil and deep sea preferred to adjust its party program according to the orders of

the TPLF. The leaders being under the patronage of the TPLF had no distinctive political views or

organizational freedom to make their own statements. In short they were a slavish imitation and

yes men of the TPLF. They were simply there to serve as an undercover to facilitate for the TPLF

to widen its influence and operation in the Amhara areas. Its army recruits were mostly from the

Agaw society in Begemidr. Its chairman Tamrat Layne, Prime Minister during the transition period

1991-1995 and Deputy Prime Minister & Head of Economic Affairs in the PM's Office 1995-1997,

was a henchman who as late as 1990 in a TV-interview to a journalist stated commitment to the

introduction and adoption of Albanian-type of socialism in Ethiopia. Tamrat Layne, hailed and

praised for his outstanding contribution to the "Revolution" by President Meles (1991-1995) and

Prime Minister since 1995, is now serving 17 years' imprisonment for alleged corruption. Second

in the hierarchy of this submissive organization is Bereket Simon, an Eritrean by birth who

occupies a key position as the head of the Ministry of Information.Other organizations were

created by the TPLF, mainly from the captives or POWs of the derg army.

These include, the Oromo Peoples' Democratic Organization (OPDO) serving as a counterpoise

to the independent and diehard group of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Progressive

Officers' Movement of Ethiopia (POME), which are now incorporated either into the OPDO or

ANDM and have high positions in the respective organizations and in the military apparatus. The

new party leader and defense minister General Abadula Gemeda (a renamed Oromo, turned

civilian) belongs to this category of people. By organizing these complaisant organizations, the

TPLF leadership wanted to kill two birds with one stone, i.e., legalize the secession of Eritrea by

anchoring its stand in these satellite organizations and secondly take over the state power. A new

"coalition force" in the name of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Force (EPRDF)

was created in 1989 with unswerving loyalty to the designed ideas and aspirations of the TPLF

leadership. Meles who was already a chairman of the Marxist Leninist League of Tigrai (MLLT)

and the TPLF became once again the chairman of the EPRDF. When the TPLF/EPRDF entered

the streets of Addis Ababa and control of the country, it immediately organized a political

conference on July 1-5, 1991. Suddenly, 21 domestic groups and organizations under all types of

"liberation fronts" were convened to decide on the fate of the country with Meles presiding the

conference. This was done to justify what the TPLF leadership fought for, i.e., to secede Eritrea

and assist the EPLF in looting Ethiopia and rebuilding its infrastructure.Issayas was invited to the

conference as an external honorary observer to witness how Eritrea was served to him on a silver

platter without any conditionality attached to the claim of ownership to the Afar Red Sea coast,

the nerve center of Ethiopia.

Instead, without any conclusions of formal negotiations and agreements, the same leadership

told the people of Ethiopia that Ethiopia got an eternal solution to its status as a landlocked

country in the name of free ports in Eritrea. What then came out after some years was that

Ethiopia was pouring billions of borrowed money to use the ports in Massawa and Assab, while

rebuilding and refurbishing the same by depleting Ethiopian meager state budget. Ethiopian lorry

drivers were in frequent harassment and agonies. Ethiopian citizens used to complain on the

score of maltreatment. On the other scale of the balance, Eritreans were allowed to have dual

citizenship, create a state of their own within another state (Ethiopia), exploit the country without

any hinder, carry on illegal transactions and black-marketing, become exporters of coffee without

any single coffee plant of their own, work in sensitive and key government positions (banks,

military installations and surveillance, in PM's office as advisers, etc.), borrow money in millions,

obtain fuel from the refinery in Assab at 20-30% lees than the cost of what Ethiopians paid for,

abduct, kill and imprison people of both Ethiopian and Eritrean origins, smuggle goods, etc.

Expatriate Eritreans, who as voter cardholders of the EPLF's sham referendum were allowed to

enter Ethiopia as esteemed guests and enjoyed services Ethiopian citizens could never access.

While these Eritreans were allowed to use the Birr as exchange currency for all types of services,

expatriate Ethiopians were obliged to pay in hard currency (often double or triple to what it cost in

Birr). To add insult into injury, Afars who consider themselves Ethiopians and wanted to join

Ethiopia, were annihilated in a combined and well-organized military campaign by both the EPLF

and TPLF.

This must be a travesty of justice of the highest degree in the history of modern states that a

people who recognize itself as citizens belonging to one state to be attacked by that state.

People, who want their fate to be determined through self-determination and whose direct kinship

is with the Ethiopian Afars were and are rejected by a government, whose sole aim should have

been respect and defense of its own citizens. Sawa, the hatching center and abattoir of Eritrean

army youth, was ceremoniously inaugurated in the presence of Meles Zenawi. Issayas' track

record as a haymaker was known to the Ethiopian regime. He started brandishing swords and

muscle flexing against his neighbors, the tiny Djibouti, Sudan and Yemen. As a move in their

endeavors to become Horn of Africa's hegemonies, Issayas got generous donations from Meles

in the form of military hardware, such as military helicopters and MIG fighter planes, long-range

missiles, canons, trained pilots, etc. In December 1995, when Issayas occupied the Hanish

islands, Meles supplied documents and map evidences that support the territorial claims of

Eritrea and even argued for direct involvement in the war on the side of Eritrea against Yemen

according to a synoptic leak by his ex-comrades. There was also a joint Ethiopian-Eritrean

military operation, a "holy alliance" of "brand-new African leaders" against the "Islamic and

terrorist" State of the Sudan to both act as coalition partners in a global fight against

fundamentalism and help liberate Southern Sudan from Al-Turabi, President Bashir and their

"gangs of destabilization".The President of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi wrote an application to the UN

Secretary Genral Boutros Boutros-Ghali to accept Eritrea as its new member state.

Eritreans, abroad and even those residing in Ethiopia were told to go to the polling booth and vote

among the alternatives "slavery" with red or "liberty" with green voting papers. No protest or any

dissatisfaction against this formulation was ever voiced by the Ethiopian regime. Eritreans voted

with 98.2%! What a success to the TPLF leadership and the EPLF! The Master of Ceremony

during the inauguration and celebration of the independence of Eritrea in May 1993 and the

person who apologized in the name of Ethiopians for their misdeeds against Eritreans was no

one other than Meles Zenawi. Meles also praise Issayas as the source of all knowledge. People

do remember when he was cited as having said that meeting and talking with Issayas for a few

hours was better than reading books.Meles Zenawi's mission was partly accomplished with the

unconditional secession of Eritrea from Ethiopia. What is difficult to comprehend is why the

Ethiopian political leadership turned into yes-men and became part in this treacherous act against

our beloved nation. This is a typical case of folly. A folly born out of power that corrupts and alters

one's ego. Leaders surrounded by yes-men, who adulate "the knowledgeable and great leader of

the country, whose existence is impossible without his vision and wisdom" and all sorts of back

scratching, are out of realities and without contact with the people or their constituencies. "Power

breeds folly; that the power to command frequently causes failure to think; that the responsibility

of power often fades as its exercise augments. The overall responsibility of power is to govern as

reasonably as possible in the interest of the state and citizens.

A duty in that process is to keep well-informed, to heed information, to keep mind and judgment

open and to resist the insidious spell of wooded-headedness. If the mind is open enough to

perceive that a given policy is harming rather than serving self-interest, and self-confident enough

to acknowledge it, and wise enough to reverse it, that is a summit in the art of government."7 The

folly as contrary to reason belongs to the category of self-imprisonment in the argument of "wehave-

no-alterative and we-are-completely-right". The nature of this folly in the case of Ethiopia

can be brought from a parallel example about the conquest of Mexico by the Spanish

conquistadors. When the Spanish invaders, 600 men in ship, guns and horses advanced into the

interior of the Aztec Empire, the king Montezuma summoned his council, some urging resistance,

while others argued a friendly welcome. Instead, he sent splendid gifts displaying his wealth and

urging them in soft language to return to their homeland. Carrying the gifts of jewels, textiles,

featherwork and two huge plates of gold and silver as large as cart wheels and encouraged by

the weakness indicated in the letter, Cortés the leader of the conquistadors marched on.

Montezuma never tried to stop them. On the contrary he greeted them with pompous ceremony

to be escorted to the palace and got all the hospitality with even more wealth and gifts. He put

Montezuma under house arrest and the Aztec army, which outnumbered their captors by a

thousand to one, submitted and Mexico was ruled for the next 300 years. The same was the

relations of Eritreans to Ethiopia. They got everything, every bounty and booty thanks to the

egregious folly in the Menelik palace. Issayas, praising his military might of defeating "Africa's

biggest army" went so far as declaring Ethiopia to have learnt its lesson for the coming 100 years.

But how far did it go? Were there mechanisms to avoid this carnage and one of the greatest

calamities that claimed more than 70,000-100,000 lives on both sides?

The 1998-2000 war and its aftermath

Much has been said and written by prolific writers and legal experts about this sanguinary war

and the present specious stalemate about the decisions of the Ethiopian Eritrean Border

Commission. Though the war was concluded with Ethiopia as the victor and could have had its

terms accepted, the same leadership has since the signature of the Algiers agreement 12 Dec.

2002 tried to fool the Ethiopian people. It must be the first time in the history of warring nations of

the world that a victorious nation on the war front voluntarily gives up its own territories and allows

instead an "independent" commission to decide its fate (in favor of being re-examined by an

"independent" commission). The country is still stumbling around a permanent siege of war and

its meager resources could have been used for development, had Ethiopia repudiated the Algiers

agreement and pursued the dictator in Asmara. When the whole world, Ethiopians, media folk

and governments were expecting the reoccupation of Assab and the surroundings as the only

gateway to the outside world, the PM a commander of the armed forces with extraordinary talent

went and declared the war to be finished off within the coming 24 hours. The leadership, which

always praises itself as wise and visionary, wants to show its devotion to international law by

connecting the conflict with Eritrea to the fight on poverty so that it again recedes the territories to

the Eritrean regime.

The usual garrulous PM with his unbridled tongue has been active in downplaying the territories

and the right of access to the sea as well as showing his utter contempt for Ethiopia. "We are not

nationalists, whereas Eritreans are", "Badme is a godforsaken village, Badme is not about a

territory", "Let Assab be kept by Eritreans as a watering hole for camels", "we didn't fight for

territories, we fought for the rule of law", "it is always difficult to rule poor countries such as

Ethiopia", "we don't need to fight for our territories, we should instead fight to get rid of poverty,

otherwise Ethiopia will disintegrate as Somalia, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Afghanistan", "we don't

regret our collaboration with Eritreans (EPLF)", etc. are among others some of the opprobrious

and morbid imaginations and statements by the PM. A PM entitled to lead the highest office of a

country is threatening with disintegration of a country he is supposed to rule! In order to divert

from the real issues of war and its consequences, the Ethiopian regime has been making up

imaginary concepts, such as "Bonapartism", "Revolutionary democracy" (worth to comment on

the two books in the future), "fast economic growth á la Korea" and "foreign relations and the

status of Ethiopia" followed by never ending meetings and evaluations (gimgema).

Trapped in between its deception of winning on the war front as well as its diplomatic success in

obtaining all the occupied territories and even more territories as announced to the Ethiopian

people in April 2002 and the decision made by the EEBC to hand over Badme and parts of the

central sector in Irob, the regime is now fervently asking for a face-to-face negotiation with

Issayas. The Eritrean as well as the Ethiopian regimes in close collision with their masters are

working against the clock and looking forward to finally legalize the border demarcation and seal

off Ethiopia for ever, knowing the fact that the Ethiopian people do not accept any traitorous

agreement in its name.The war in 1998 was predictive and could have been prevented from

bringing such a disaster to the nation and people of Ethiopia. Though indications and warnings of

saber-rattling and assault of arms along the border were coming from all sides, Meles in an

interview 2 months before the occupation of Issayas army of Badme, Irob and Bure, accused

people of spreading rumors from liquor houses. He disparaged the warnings. Instead, he

described the relations between both peoples as written by blood.8 No army and no militia were

there to protect the country from the aggressors.

The Sawa recruits and veteran fighters of the EPLF armed cap-à-pie had only to march through

the no mans land of Ethiopia. For the first time since the 1935 Italian fascist aggression, Ethiopian

soil was left at the hands of their fascist followers. Ethiopians were displaced to live in caves and

makeshift shelters and live from handouts for the whole two years. Knowing the flighty nature of

Meles and the agreements between them, Issayas had time and again demanded a dialogue

between them, while occupying Ethiopian territories. Had it not been for the true Ethiopians'

pressure, Meles who showed reluctance could not have called the Ethiopian parliament a

rubberstamp of his group to declare war. Negotiations on border issues were not carried out by

representatives of legal groups from Ethiopia but were still conducted by the higher echelon of the

front functionaries of both the EPLF and TPLF. This was part and continuation of the deal from

their years in the bush. At least many people know that some areas, such as Gulomekada and

Irob were to some extent delimited and even demarcated on the ground by both representatives

of the fronts before the start of the war.The TPLF was aware of the maps distributed both by the

EPLF and ELF, which included all those parts that were occupied during the 1998-2000 by the

EPLF. This was also mentioned in Meles' demagogical book "The Eritrean people's struggle from

where to where", stressing on the need for a memorandum of understanding about the border

issue. "There should be understanding about the border between Eritrean and Ethiopian

organizations. In order to implement the border issue, it should be based on historical accounts. If

they (the organizations) cannot enter into final terms of understanding, there is no reason why

they should start fighting.

Until the people accepts the final resolution, the organizations should have a temporary and

general working plan and agreement." Is this formulation new for the TPLF leadership? But the

Ethiopian people were told that Eritreans "stabbed us in the back" or sometimes statements to the

extent of vulgarity as "they caught us with our pants down" in the presence of the diplomatic

community in Addis Ababa.Two years of occupation were two years of horrific and traumatic

ordeals for the Ethiopian people. School children were cluster-bombed in Mekelle, aid receivers

were killed in Adigrat, people in Irob, Gulomekada and Badme were abducted, killed, tortured,

and homes were looted and destroyed, churches and mosques desecrated, Ethiopians, residing

in Eritrea were burned alive, incarcerated in dungeons and mental homes, etc. Tens of thousands

of Ethiopians (preliminary estimation is about 300,000 since 1991) were forced to leave Eritrea

with their belongings confiscated and robbed. Now, the Ethiopian regime has gone so far as to

accuse members of its party to be responsible for the repatriation of Eritreans to Eritrea and is

allowing now those EPLF supporters including outlaws, who bled Ethiopia from within to return

and get reemployed and occupy important positions within its administration or conduct their

usual businesses. What is surprising is that at least the Ethiopian Eritreans in Eritrea are working

tirelessly to safeguard the interests of Eritrea by all means necessary.

Those responsible for these misguided policies and lack the sagacity of running Ethiopia are still

at the helm of power and are simply getting away with the betrayal of trust. Instead those patriots,

who day and night fought to liberate the country from the aggressors, are languishing in prison

cells, dismissed from their posts, ostracized from the society and are harassed by the security.

Though better late than never in debunking the present leaderships' conspiracies and

chicaneries, credit must go to those patriots who in unison with the Ethiopian people dislodged

and punished the occupation army of the EPLF. The explanations of why the Ethiopian regime

didn't go so far and overthrew the Issayas regime and helped the Red Sea Afars in reoccupying

their own territories, is very hard to believe and even contemplate. The explanations given were

among others, "We don't want to have another Somalia in our vicinity", "Helping the Afars would

mean destabilization in Djibouti". Since the end of the war in 2000, examples of antithesis are

abundant in today's Ethiopia. A traitor has become a hero and a hero has become a criminal, a

robber is innocent and a guiltless is guilty, a war strategist is a coward and a coward is hailed as

a liberator, a chairman of the communist league and a staunch communist is a liberal and a

liberal is a diehard communist, a fiend is a kind person and a dictator is a democrat, victory on the

war front has turned into defeat and defeat on the border delimitation has been announced as

victory, etc.Now the decisions on delimitation and demarcation by the EEBC, a selected body of

five lawyers by both Eritrea and Ethiopia except the chairman has deliberated its ruling on the

border. The Algiers agreement stipulates that whatever the decisions of the EEBC might be, there

is no room for amendment. Its decisions are final and binding and it is this document the PM of

Ethiopia signed under with the USA, EU and AU as guarantors of peace. Ethiopia, which lacked

real representatives at this high judicial body went so far as to testify without rhyme and reason in

written statements that both Tserona and Fort Cardona (see EEBC decision), though belonging to

her according to the defunct colonial agreements with Italy, were given to Eritrea. Ethiopian

lawyers, historians, cartographers, etc. could have been called in to fight for and represent their

country. Instead the regime made use of foreigners, bought in millions to say what the regime told

them to do. No wonder that some members of the UN and experts assert that Ethiopia had no

one to argue for its case.

Instead, the regime sent its cadres to convince the Ethiopian people that what it fought for was

the rule of law and not to gain territories comprising of few hamlets with 60 huts like the case in

Badme. The regime wants to dwell on the rule of law as if impartial and correct judgment was

passed by the EEBC9. One third of the Irob and Gulomekada areas have never been an issue to

the regime. Had it not been for the revelations by Reverend Abba Tesfamariam Baraki, Dr.

Ghelawdeos Araia and the Irob Community in North America, TISJD and many Ethiopians whose

contributions are astounding and encouraging, the destiny of these territories would have been

kept in oblivion. The self-sacrifice of our compatriots who in unison rose up to defend the

territorial integrity from a fascist neighbor, according to Meles' logic was only meant to show a

lesson on how the rule of law was applied for protective measures. This implies that about 50,000

Ethiopians died for no purpose and aim. It was obvious for Ethiopians that it was the TPLF

leadership, which gave birth to all the mismanagement of policies vis-à-vis Eritrea and the war.

But this leadership is again showing its usual ingratitude and arrogance against the same people,

which saved it from being chased after either by the EPLF armed gangs, which itself organized in

Addis Ababa or by the anger and frustrations of the Ethiopian people as opposed to its

catastrophic resolution of the Eritrean issue.Concluding remarks.

Looking into the background and the history since the inception of the TPLF and the practical

deeds of the Ethiopian regime, there is no way to give it the slightest benefit of doubt. It has

shown now and again that it is not amenable to advice and is highly adamant to veracious pleas

and views. It furiously castigates, slanders and vituperates people, knowing that its arguments do

not hold water. The regime is bent on destroying the social fabric and existence of Ethiopia.

Ethiopians have been kept and will be kept without having any say or any participation or insight

into the ongoing discussions so that the secret agreements would proceed as usual. It is ready to

break the ice, find amicable settlement and normalize its relations with the Eritrean regime. This

regime is also renowned for its face-saving public relations gimmick employing its monopoly of

the media and its cadres throughout the world. But it should be absolutely clear for this regime

that the agreement or treaty to be concluded is not between real representatives of Ethiopia and

Eritrea. It is between two regimes that have no interests of the people at heart.

This obdurate regime beyond all disputes cannot and is not capable of fulfilling the aspirations

and desires of the Ethiopian people. The regime has shown since the time of its struggle against

the derg, that it is overtly committed and will continue to be so to Eritrea for the coming years.

Meles as the leader of the TPLF/EPRDF and then as the President and PM of Ethiopia has

worked hard and showed his true nature and intentions in supporting and strengthening Eritrea at

the cost of Ethiopia. Never has Ethiopia been as weakened, impoverished, humiliated and

disordered as it is now under the present regime of the TPLF/EPRDF. Never has so self-centered

rulers so effectively forwarded self-interest as the present leadership of Ethiopia, while throwing

the people into a permanent despair and agony. Never has an Ethiopian leader inculcated the

feelings of self-contempt and inferiority in the minds of the Ethiopian people. The sovereignty of

the country is under the blackmailing of foreign forces. "Leave your territory, barren land not worth

fighting for and we will build you a state-of-the-art village or there will not be any aid" has become

the hallmark of the threats by these forces.

These pressures will sooner or later result in treaties, exposing Ethiopia for a constant

harassment by proxy through these tiny neighbors. Therefore, it is high time for Ethiopians to

work together so that any future treaties entered by this regime are corrected and that Ethiopia's

reputation as a great nation is revived among the comity of the nations of the world and that its

territorial integrity and sovereignty are thoroughly established and respected. As Tecola Hagos

stated "The very independence of Eritrea is an illegal activity carried out by two individuals and

their supporters with no consideration of the future of millions of people"10<. Ethiopia, which

never ratified the boundary treaties with Italy, must abrogate the forcibly annexed and unilaterally

drawn borders of the fascist ploy. The annex to both treaties of 1896 and 1900 clearly state to

whom the lands under Italy's occupation (Eritrea) belong and what their future disposition should

be if Italy decided to hand over them. The owner of these territories as stipulated in the treaties is

unquestionably Ethiopia. The Ethiopian ruler gave them in a goodwill gesture to Italy.11Eritrea is

now a failed state and as Paul Henze once wrote, Eritrea is in need of renewed UN

administration.

Eritreans acclaimed Issayas, the butcher of Nakfa, king. Now they are suffering from the

aftereffects of the war, which they unanimously supported and funded, believing that Issayas

would gain the upper hand and control and subjugate Ethiopia. They voiced daydreams of

selecting an alternative candidate from different ethnic backgrounds to rule Ethiopia of their

creation. That is now history thanks to the resoluteness of Ethiopians to safeguard their country

and let the Eritreans live in their mythical world of pasta and luxurious villas, testing an Italian

lifestyle through the crumbs from the Arab League. But, as always Eritrea has been used by

some Arab states and other foreign powers to destabilize Ethiopia and will be used in the future

and therefore, due caution is necessary for any future Ethiopian government. Strangulating

Ethiopia "for ever" is not going to bring any peace in the region. According to the UN's statistical

survey on population growth, the total population of Ethiopia is estimated to be 125 million in the

year 2025. This is an enormous task and challenge for the would-be Ethiopian governments to

tackle the social, economic and political situation of this third populous African country. Ethiopians

must unite their forces and address both todays and future needs of the people and the country.

By respecting the democratic rights and equality of the nationalities, where cultures, languages

and common histories enrich the every day life, Ethiopia will once again reach its zenith of

prosperity. It is after all unity in diversity (not according to the formula of the communist thugs),

which has given Ethiopia its far-reaching echo as the citadel of human origin and civilization.

Ethiopians both abroad and at home should not fall prey for the regime, be on the payroll or serve

as a tool in its "divide and rule" policy. Opportunist elements, concealed behind fine words and

titles should not be allowed to put wedges between our people. Ethiopians, whenever and

wherever they are, have to realize that they have the obligation and responsibility to fight evil,

injustice, treasonous acts, corruption, etc. and defend the sovereignty and survival of our nation.

We have to unravel truth and reverse historical falsifications and manipulations, forwarded by this

regime so that Ethiopians remain proud and glorious of their historical past. Everyone has to be

the mouthpiece of the downtrodden, poor and those petrified with terror, having no possibility of

standing up against the oppressive organs of the state. Once again Ethiopia will prevail over its

external and internal enemies.

7 B. W. Tuchman, The March of Folly, From Troy to Vitenam, M Joseph Ltd. 1984.8 Aser,

Interview with PM Meles Zenawi, March 1998.

9 Tseggai Mebrahtu, "Ceding Ethiopian territories in the name of rule of law? Which law and

whose law? Part I and II

10 Prof. Tecola Hagos, The Blackmailing of Ethiopia: Phase Two

11 Dr Haile Mariam Larebo, Colonial Treaties in the Context of the Current Ethio-Eritrean Border

Dispute

and Settlement.